In any event, the history of Judaism can be divided into the following major periods: biblical Judaism (c. 20th–4th century BCE), Hellenistic Judaism (4th century BCE–2nd century CE), Rabbinic Judaism (2nd–18th century CE), and modern Judaism (c. 1750 to the present).
Israelite culture initially resembled that of its surroundings; it was neither wholly original nor wholly primitive. The Hebrews were seminomadic herdsmen and occasionally farmers. Their tribal structure resembled that of the West Semitic steppe dwellers known from the 18th-century-BCE tablets excavated at the north-central Mesopotamian city of
Mari; their family customs and law have parallels in the Old Babylonian and Hurro-Semite law of the early and middle 2nd millennium. The
conception of a messenger of God that underlies biblical prophecy was
Amorite (West Semitic) and also found in the tablets at Mari. Mesopotamian religious and cultural
conceptions are reflected in biblical cosmogony, primeval history (including the Flood story in
Genesis 6:9–8:22), and law collections. The Canaanite component of Israelite culture consisted of the
Hebrew language and a rich literary heritage—whose Ugaritic form (which flourished in the northern Syrian city of
Ugarit from the mid-15th century to approximately 1200 BCE)
illuminates the Bible’s poetry, style, mythological
allusions, and religious or cultic terms. Egypt provides many
analogues for Hebrew hymnody and wisdom literature. All the cultures among which the patriarchs lived had cosmic gods who fashioned the world and preserved its order, all had a developed
ethical system expressed in law and
moral admonitions, and all had elaborate religious rites and
myths.
Tradition gives the following account of the birth of the nation. At the
Exodus from Egypt (13th century BCE), YHWH showed his faithfulness and power by liberating the Israelites from bondage and punishing their oppressors with plagues and drowning them in the sea. At Sinai he made the Israelites his people and gave them the terms of his covenant, regulating their conduct toward him and each other so as to make them a holy nation. After sustaining them miraculously during their 40-year trek in the wilderness, he enabled them to take the land that he had promised to their fathers, the patriarchs. Central to these events is Moses, who was commissioned by God to lead the Israelites out of Egypt, mediate God’s covenant with them, and bring them to Canaan.
Behind the
legends and the multiform law collections, it is possible to discern a historical figure to whom the legends and the legislative activity can be attached. And it is precisely Moses’ unusual combination of roles that makes him credible as a historical figure. Like
Muhammad (c. 570–632 CE) at the birth of
Islam, Moses fills oracular, legislative, executive, and military functions. He shapes the main institutions of Israel: the
priesthood and the sacred shrine, the covenant and its rules, and the administrative apparatus of the tribal league. Although Moses is compared to a prophet in various texts in the
Pentateuch (the first five books of the Bible), he is never designated as one—the term being evidently unsuited for so
comprehensive and unique a figure.
Mosaic religion
The distinctive features of
Israelite religion appear with Moses. The proper name of
Israel’s God,
YHWH, was revealed and interpreted to Moses as meaning ehye asher ehye—an
enigmatic phrase of
infinite suggestiveness, literally meaning “I am/shall be what I am/shall be.” The
covenant, defining Israel’s obligations, is ascribed to Moses’ mediation. It is impossible to determine what rulings go back to Moses, but the Decalogue, or
Ten Commandments, presented in chapter 20 of
Exodus and chapter 5 of
Deuteronomy, and the larger and smaller covenant codes in Exodus 20:22–23:33 and 34:11–26 are held by critics to contain early covenant law. From them the following features may be noted: the rules are formulated as God’s utterances—i.e., expressions of his
sovereign will, directed toward and often explicitly addressed to the people at large, Moses merely conveying the sovereign’s message to his subjects—and, publication being of the essence of the rules, the people as a whole are held responsible for their observance.
The liberation from Egypt laid upon Israel the obligation of
exclusive loyalty to YHWH. This meant
eschewing all other gods—including idols venerated as such—and the elimination of all magical recourses. The
worship of YHWH was aniconic (without images); even figures that might serve in his worship were banned, apparently because their use suggested theurgy (the art or technique of influencing or controlling a god by fixing his presence in a particular place and making him accessible). Although there is a mythological background behind some cultic terminology (e.g., “a pleasing odour to YHWH” and “my bread”),
sacrifice is conceived as tribute or is regarded (in priestly writings) as purely a sacrament—i.e., as a material means of interacting with or making a connection to God.
Hebrew festivals also have no mythological basis; they either celebrate God’s bounty (e.g., at the ingathering of the harvest) or his saving acts (e.g., at the
festival of unleavened bread, which is a memorial of the Exodus).
The values of life and limb, labour, and social solidarity were protected in the rules governing interpersonal relations. The involuntary perpetual
slavery of Hebrews was abolished, and a seven-year limit was set on bondage. The humanity of slaves was defended: one who beat his slave to death was liable to death; if he maimed a slave, he was required to set the slave free. Murderers were denied asylum and could not ransom themselves from death, and for deliberate and severe bodily injuries the lex talionis—the principle of “an eye for an eye”—was ordained (see
talion). Theft and harm to property were punished monetarily rather than by death.
Moral exhortations called for solidarity with the poor and the helpless and for brotherly assistance to those in need. Institutions were created—e.g., the sabbatical, or seventh, fallow year, in which land was not cultivated—to embody such exhortations in practice.
Since the goal of the Israelites was the conquest of a land, their religion had warlike features. Organized as an army (called “the hosts of YHWH” in Exodus 12:41), they encamped in a protective square around their palladium—the tent housing the ark in which rested the stone “Tablets of the Covenant.” When journeying, the
sacred objects were carried and guarded by the
Levite tribe or clan, whose rivals, the Aaronites, exercised a monopoly on the
priesthood. God, sometimes called “the warrior,” marched with the army; in war, part of the booty was delivered to his ministers.
The period of the conquest and settlement of Canaan
The conquest of
Canaan was remembered as a continuation of God’s marvels at the Exodus. The
Jordan River was split asunder, the walls of
Jericho fell at Israel’s shout, the enemy was seized with divinely inspired terror, and the sun stood still in order to enable Israel to exploit its victory. Such stories are not necessarily the work of a later age; they reflect rather the impact of these victories on the actors in the drama, who felt themselves successful by the grace of God.
A complex process of occupation, involving both battles of annihilation and treaty agreements with
indigenous peoples, has been simplified in the biblical account of the wars of
Joshua (13th century BCE). Gradually, the unity of the invaders dissolved (most scholars believe that the invading element was only part of the Hebrew settlement in Canaan; other Hebrews, long since settled in Canaan from patriarchal times, then joined the invaders’ covenant league). Individual tribes made their way with varying success against the residue of Canaanite resistance. New enemies, Israel’s neighbours to the east and west, appeared, and the period of the judges (leaders, or champions) began.
The
Book of Judges, the main witness for the period, does not speak with one voice on the religious situation. Its editorial framework describes repeated cycles of
apostasy, oppression, appeal to God, and relief through a champion sent by God. Israel’s troubles prior to the institution of the
monarchy under
Saul (11th century BCE) were caused by the weakness of the disunited tribes and were thus accounted for by the covenantal
sin of
apostasy. The individual stories, however, present a different picture.
Apostasy does not figure in the exploits of the judges
Ehud,
Deborah,
Jephthah, and
Samson; YHWH has no rival, and
faith in him is periodically confirmed by the saviours he sends to rescue Israel from its neighbours. This faith is shared by all the tribes; it is owing to their common cult that a Levite from Bethlehem could serve first at an Ephraimite and later also at a Danite sanctuary. The religious bond, preserved by the common cult, enabled the tribes to work together under the leadership of elders or an inspired champion in time of danger or religious scandal.
Both written and archaeological testimonies, however, point to the Hebrews’ adoption of
Canaanite cults—the Baal worship of
Gideon’s family and neighbours in Ophrah in Judges, chapter 6, is an example. The many cultic figurines (usually female) found in Israelite levels of Palestinian archaeological sites also give colour to the sweeping indictments of the framework of the Book of Judges. But these phenomena belonged to the private, popular religion; the national God, YHWH, remained one—Baal sent no prophets to Israel—though YHWH’s claim to exclusive worship was obviously not effectual. Nor did his cult conform with later orthodoxy; Micah’s idol in Judges, chapter 17, and Gideon’s
ephod (priestly or religious garment) were considered
apostasies by the editor, in accord with the
dogma that whatever is not orthodoxy is apostasy—heterodoxy (nonconformity) being unrecognized and simply equated with apostasy.
To the earliest sanctuaries and altars honoured as patriarchal foundations—at
Shechem,
Bethel,
Beersheba, and
Hebron in Cisjordan (west of the Jordan); and at Mahanaim, Penuel, and Mizpah in Transjordan (east of the Jordan)—were added new sanctuaries and altars at Dan,
Shiloh, Ramah,
Gibeon, and elsewhere. A single priestly family could not operate all these establishments, and so
Levites rose to the priesthood; at private sanctuaries even non-Levites might be
consecrated as priests. The
Ark of the Covenant was housed in the Shiloh sanctuary, staffed by priests of the house of Eli, who traced their consecration back to Egypt. But the ark remained a portable palladium in wartime; Shiloh was not regarded as its final resting place. The law in Exodus 20:24–26, which authorized a plurality of altar sites and the simplest forms of construction (earth and rough stone), suited the plain conditions of this period.
The period of the united monarchy
The religious and political problem
The decentralized tribal league could not cope with the constant pressure of external enemies—camel-riding desert marauders who pillaged harvests annually and iron-weaponed
Philistines (an Aegean people settling coastal Palestine c. 12th century BCE) who controlled key points in the hill country occupied by the Israelites. In the face of such threats, a central authority that could mobilize the forces of the entire league and create a standing army had to be established. Two attitudes were distilled in the crisis—one
conservative and anti-monarchic, the other radical and pro-monarchic. The conservative attitude appears first in Gideon’s refusal to found a
dynasty in Judges 8:23: “I will not rule you,” he tells the people, “my son will not rule over you; YHWH will…!” This theocratic view pervades one of the two contrasting accounts of the founding of the monarchy fused in chapters 8–12 of the First Book of
Samuel (see
Samuel, books of). The popular demand for a king was viewed as a rejection of the
kingship of God, and in response to the demand there appeared a series of inspired saviours, from
Moses and
Aaron (14th–13th century BCE) through Jerubbaal, Bedan, and
Jephthah to
Samuel (11th century BCE) himself. The other, more radical account depicts the monarchy as a gift of God, designed to rescue his people from the Philistines (1 Samuel 9:16). Both accounts represent the seer-judge Samuel as the key figure in the founding of Israel’s monarchy, and it is not unlikely that the two attitudes struggled within him.

Palestine during the time of David and Solomon.Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.
The Benjaminite
Saul was made king (c. 1020 BCE) by divine election and by popular acclamation after his victory over the
Ammonites (a Transjordanian Semitic people), but his career was clouded by conflict with Samuel, the major representative of the old order. Saul’s kingship was bestowed by Samuel and had to be accommodated to the ongoing authority of that man of God. The two accounts of Saul’s rejection by God (through Samuel) involve his usurpation of the prophet’s authority. King
David (10th century BCE), whose forcefulness and religious and political genius established the monarchy on an independent spiritual footing, resolved the conflict.
The Davidic Monarchy
The essence of the Davidic
innovation was the idea that, in addition to
divine election through
Samuel and public acclamation,
David had received God’s promise of an eternal dynasty; a conditional (perhaps earlier) and an unconditional (perhaps later) form of this promise exist in
Psalms, chapter 132 and 2 Samuel, chapter 7, respectively. In its developed form, the promise was conceived of as a
covenant with David, paralleling the covenant with
Israel and instrumental in the latter’s fulfillment—the covenant being that God would channel his benefactions to Israel through the chosen
dynasty of David. With this new status came the inviolability of the person of God’s anointed (a characteristically Davidic idea) and a court rhetoric—adapted from pagan models—in which the king was styled “the [firstborn] son of God.” An index of the king’s sanctity was his occasional performance of priestly duties. Yet the king’s mortality was never forgotten: he was never deified, and, although prayers and hymns might be said on his behalf, they were never addressed to him as a god.
David captured the Jebusite stronghold of
Jerusalem and made it the seat of a national monarchy (Saul had never moved the seat of his government from his birthplace, the Benjaminite town of Gibeah, about three miles north of Jerusalem). Then, fetching the
ark from an obscure retreat, David installed it in his capital, asserting his royal
prerogative (and obligation) to build a shrine for the national God and thus at the same time joining the symbols of the dynastic and the national
covenants. This move of political genius linked the God of Israel, the chosen dynasty of David, and the chosen city of Jerusalem in a henceforth indissoluble union.
David planned to build a temple to house the ark, but the
tenacious tradition of the ark’s portability in a tent shrine forced the postponement of the project to the reign of his son
Solomon. As part of his extensive building program, Solomon erected the
Temple on a Jebusite threshing floor, located on a hill north of Jerusalem, which David had purchased to mark the spot where a plague had been halted. The ground plan of the Temple—a porch with two freestanding pillars before it, a sanctuary, and an inner sanctum—followed Syrian and Phoenician sanctuary models. A bronze “sea” resting on bulls and placed in the Temple court had a Babylonian
analogue. The
Temple of Jerusalem resembled Canaanite and other Middle Eastern religious structures but was also different from them: notably, in the inner sanctum of the Temple there was no image of God but only the ancient ark covered by the wings of large
cherubim.
YHWH, who was enthroned upon celestial cherubim, was thus symbolically present in the Temple.